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What I Believe
The last few years have left me increasingly politically homeless. The Republican party has abandoned any pretense of free markets or fiscally responsible economics, while ratcheting up populist demagoguery, conspiracy mongering, racial antagonism, and anti-democratic threats. Meanwhile, Democrats show no sign of recognizing any limit to the size, scope, or cost of government. Their failure to understand basic economics can be stunning. And, their commitment to civil liberties blows with the wind. I cannot identify with either.
For many years I called myself a libertarian. But the more I study public policy, the more I find libertarianism too often dogmatic, too obsessed with theory, and too willing to ignore the real-world consequences that policies can have on people. Moreover, the Libertarian Party has been taken over by a clique of alt-right trolls and cranks.
I do not fit neatly into any of the rival camps. For most people, who do not follow policy or politics on an intimate day-to-day basis, this can be confusing and annoying. Therefore, for my readers sake, let me set out what I believe, the basic principles that undergird my political and policy choices.
- All people have the same fundamental rights, chief of which is the right to be free from the restrictions of arbitrary force and coercion. These rights are natural and inherent to our humanity, not given to us by governments. People own their own bodies and the fruits of their labor. These rights, while not absolute (no rights are), put a high burden on governments to justify the use of force and coercion. In practice this means government should not mandate something simply because it is desirable, nor should it prohibit things because people believe something is wrong or bad for society. Liberty is indivisible, and political freedom and individual liberty cannot long exist without economic freedom. Likewise, economic freedom cannot last in the absence of personal liberty.
- A vibrant free market is the foundation of prosperity. As a rule, this means taxes should be low and regulations as unobtrusive as possible. Governments should not be in the business of picking winners and losers. It is important to recognize that being pro-market is not necessarily the same as being pro-business. Nor does it mean that there should be no taxes or regulation. But our default should always be in favor of free trade, free exchange, competitive markets, entrepreneurship, innovation, consumer choice, and the freedom to contract.
- The skyrocketing federal debt—which now exceeds the annual economic output of the United States—is an existential threat to the future prosperity, liberty, and happiness of all Americans. There is no way to stem this tide of red ink through increased taxes, especially only taxes on the rich. In fact, you could confiscate every penny from every millionaire and billionaire in America and barely dent the problem. Importantly, there is no way to control our skyrocketing debt without reforming middle-class entitlements such as Medicare and Social Security.
- Immigration is an important driver of American prosperity and achievement. America is exceptional because anyone can become an American. Of course, the immigration process should be orderly, and we should be able to bar those with obvious criminal or terrorist backgrounds. Beyond that, if someone wants to come to this country, let them come. It will make us a richer, more entrepreneurial, and more vibrant country. Unfortunately, we make legal immigration very difficult, which leads to higher levels of illegal immigration and chaos at the border.
- America is uniquely based on the promise of equal opportunity regardless of race or other immutable characteristics. It is a foundation and commitment we should be proud of. However, we have not always lived up to that promise. Native Americans, African Americans, women, Latinos, members of the LBGTQ community, and others have all suffered exclusion, discrimination, and violence. Our historical treatment of African Americans, in particular, has been one of the great evils of our history. And, while we have made much progress, we have not yet achieved full equality. Systemic racism and discrimination continue to be problems today. Moreover, many continue to suffer from the downstream effects of past, often government-sponsored, mistreatment. Of course, we should strive for policies that are race neutral (and the equivalent for other groups), but at the same time we cannot ignore that the playing field is not level yet.
- The American criminal justice system is badly broken from top to bottom. Far too many things are illegal that shouldn’t be. Police are far too abusive and prone to hair trigger reactions. People of color and the poor are disproportionately accosted, arrested, sentenced t longer terms, and ess likely to be paroled. Prisons are crime schools rather than routes to rehabilitation. Criticism of criminal justice reform is far more often a political cudgel rather than a reflection of crime rates (which are declining in most major cities). We should rethink the goals, tactics, and purposes of policing and the criminal justice system to emphasize restorative justice, rehabilitation, and reintegration.
- Being poor is not a moral failure. Obviously we shouldn’t strip the poor of agency by ignoring the role their choices and decisions play in their poverty. But equally, we should recognize the role played by factors outside their control, including race, gender, economic upheaval, and simple bad luck. The goal of welfare programs should be to both provide immediate assistance for basic needs and to enable recipients to escape poverty and become self-sufficient over the long run. However, most welfare programs focus exclusively on the former. In essence they attempt to make poverty less miserable. I am not suggesting that it’s not important to take care of the material needs of poorer Americans. But, in the long run, we need a completely different approach to fighting poverty—one that focuses on opportunity, self-sufficiency, and self-determination—rather than simply throwing more money at the problem.
- While the United States has often been too quick to intervene in foreign conflicts, we remain the indispensable force for freedom in the world. We have an obligation to speak out for human rights and against oppression wherever it occurs. We should, of course, be very careful about direct intervention either militarily or economically. Most such interventions are counterproductive, and the United States cannot and should not be the world’s policeman. Our time, attention, and resources are limited. But there will be occasions when such intervention is not only reasonable and just, but morally required.
- We have an obligation to preserve the environment and the glories of nature for future generations. However, neither right-wing denialism nor left-wing catastrophism reflects either the true state of affairs or the best ways to deal with the issue. Nor does dealing with climate change and other environmental issues require centralized economic control, massive government subsidies, or reductions in our standard of living. Of course sometimes government must play a role, but generally we should rely technology, innovation, and human ingenuity – from nuclear power to planting micro-forests – not command and control to find better ways to coexist with our planet.
- There are few if any cost-free choices. Public policy almost always involves tradeoffs, seen or unseen. Moreover, no matter how good a particular policy may sound, or how much we might believe that policy to be correct, there is always the possibility that we are wrong. If the facts and the evidence show something different, there is an obligation to rethink one’s views. Certainly, I have changed my opinion on issues over the years. I expect to do so again in the future. This same recognition that we can be wrong should also inform policy, meaning centralized and one-size fits all solutions should be resisted. And, when the data changes, policies should change as well.
I would expect there to be something on this list to annoy pretty much everyone. Yet, I believe my positions are based on facts and evidence applied within a coherent philosophical framework. Your mileage may vary. And, obviously, I haven’t the time or space to cover every issue here. Still, as issues come up, I hope this will give you a better idea of where I stand and why.
The Inclusive Economy is Out
Today is book release day, meaning The Inclusive Economy is finally available on Amazon, B&N, and in bookstores near you. This book is the result of more than four years of work, and I truly believe it is the most important thing I have written. It is available in digital, audio, and hard copy formats. You can order it here:
The Inclusive Economy looks at the reasons for poverty in America and offers a detailed agenda for increasing wealth, incomes, and opportunity for the neediest Americans. Notably, I challenge the conventional wisdom of both the Right and Left that underlies much of our current debate over poverty and welfare policy.
I suggest that conservative critiques of a “culture of poverty” too often amount to “victim blaming” and fail to account for the structural circumstances in which the poor live, especially racism, gender-based discrimination, and economic dislocation. However, I also criticize liberal calls for fighting poverty primarily through greater redistribution of wealth and new government programs.
Ultimately, I conclude that too much of contemporary anti-poverty policy focuses on making poverty less miserable, and not enough on helping people get out of poverty and becoming self-sufficient. Instead of another sterile debate over whether this program should be increased by $X billion or that program should be cut by $Y billion, I call for an end to government policies that push people into poverty. In doing so, I offer a detailed roadmap to a new anti-poverty agenda that includes criminal justice reform, greater educational freedom, housing deregulation, banking reform, and more inclusive economic growth. These policies reject the paternalism of both Left and Right, instead empowering poor people and allowing them to take greater control of their own lives.
In attempting to marry social justice with limited government, I offer something guaranteed to displease pretty much everybody. However, I also believe that this book provides an agenda for individual empowerment that should draw support across ideological and partisan lines.
At the risk of self-promotion, I urge you to buy The Inclusive Economy today, and read it.
Baltimore’s Burning
I’ve long had a soft spot in my heart for Baltimore. Maybe it stems from my love for The Wire, perhaps the best TV show of all time. Or maybe it’s because my wife works in the city, and I have numerous friends who live there. Regardless of the reason, it saddens me greatly to see the rioting, looting, and destruction that has taken place there over the last few days.
Ironically perhaps, even as the rioting was taking place, I was participating in a Youth Summit at the Smithsonian Museum of American History to discuss the War on Poverty. Most of my fellow panelists were full of praise for the War on Poverty, and called for renewed federal spending on social welfare programs. Yet, if the War on Poverty was such a success, why – trillions of dollars in government spending later – do we still see so much poverty, hopelessness and despair in a city like Baltimore.
My column today for National Review Online looks at the underlying causes of the Baltimore riots and suggests that decades of big government failed the city and its residents, particularly its poorest residents. From high taxes to failed government schools to the War on Drugs, Baltimore has been a victim of government.
http://www.nationalreview.com/article/417619/poverty-despair-and-big-government-michael-tanner
No doubt, we can expect to hear the usual chorus about neglected neighborhoods and the need for government jobs programs or additional social spending. But, we learn nothing from five decades of big government failure — if we simply go back to throwing money at the same tired old programs — it will be just a matter of time until the next riot.
UPDATE: I have some additional thoughts in this column for Newsweek.
http://www.newsweek.com/baltimore-burning-its-not-matter-money-we-tried-329515
Can We End Poverty Conference — Livestream Now Available
Last week Cato sponsored a conference at Columbia University on “Can We End Poverty?” The program looked at the failures of the War on Poverty and asked whether private charity can do a better job of helping the poor than can government welfare programs.
In addition to myself, participants included: John McWhorter, Center for American Studies, Columbia University; Ron Haskins, Co-Director, Center on Children and Families, Budgeting for National Priorities Project; Angela Glover Blackwell, Founder and CEO, PolicyLink; Christopher Wimer, Co-Director, Center on Poverty and Social Policy; Robert Doar, Morgridge Fellow in Poverty Studies, American Enterprise Institute; Jo Kwong, Director of Economic Opportunity Programs, Philanthropy Roundtable; Harriet Karr-McDonald, Executive Vice President, Doe Fund; Robert Woodson, Founder and President, Center for Neighborhood Enterprise; David Beito, Professor of American History, University of Alabama; and Ruth Rathblott, President and Chief Executive Office, Harlem Educational Activities Fund, among others.
You can now view the livestream of that event at
Rescheduled–My conference on the War on Poverty
Last month my conference on “Can We End Poverty,” at Columbia University was snowed out. It has now been rescheduled for March 26.
We will be looking at the failures of the War on Poverty and nongovernmental alternatives.
Speakers will include, in addition to me, John Allison, President, Cato Institute; John McWhorter, Center for American Studies, Columbia University; Ron Haskins, Co-Director, Center on Children and Families, Budgeting for National Priorities Project; Angela Glover Blackwell, Founder and CEO, PolicyLink; Christopher Wimer, Co-Director, Center on Poverty and Social Policy, Columbia University; Jo Kwong, Director of Economic Opportunity Programs, Philanthropy Roundtable; Harriet Karr-McDonald, Executive Vice President, Doe Fund; Robert Woodson, Founder and President, Center for Neighborhood Enterprise; David Beito, Professor of American History, University of Alabama; Eloise Anderson, Wisconsin Secretary of Children and Families; and Tess Reynolds, CEO of New Door ventures in San Francisco.
I hope that you can join us. To register, go to:
Applying Obama’s Cuba Logic to Big Government
During this year’s State of the Union Address, President Obama defended his change in Cuba Policy by saying, “When what you’ve been doing doesn’t work for 50 years, it’s time to try something new.” In my latest column for National Review Online, I suggest he apply that logic to big government more generally. After all, there’s no shortage of government programs that haven’t been working.
http://www.nationalreview.com/article/397335/obama-try-something-new-michael-tanner
